New Year Ceremonies of LISU-2

Later that night people congregate at the village priest's house. While elders drink and sing, young people first dance around his New Year tree then go in procession from house to house throughout 'sweeping out' the bad and impure elements from the entire village.

At cockcrow the next morning, women from the village priest's house go to the water source and make offerings of joss sticks, rice cakes, and pork, then bring 'New Year water' back to the house. This 'New water', considered to be special, is used to fill the cups on the ancestral altar, and to cook offerings for the ancestors. The priest and his wife wash their faces with some of this water by their New Year tree to 'wash away the evil of the old year'.

Later that morning men from each household go to the village shrine with the priest to present offerings of rice cakes, liquor, and pork to the guardian spirit. During the offering the priest prays, '…. Like a stream, like clear water, let us have no trouble or sickness. …Let us not separate. Come receive this offering. Sha-a-a'

Each household sends later similar offerings to the priest. He arranges these on the plat form under his altar, and then prays again in the same fashion. Strings are tied to the necks of those presents, then dancing resumes. Some of the elders inside the priest's house sing songs asking for unity, good health, and other blessings for New Year

On New Year's day there is almost constant dancing around the village priest's tree. The music is provided by men playing either musical gourd pipes or lutes, the type of dancing varying according to the instrument used and the tune played. At one celebration we observed the headman and other adults started the dancing in the morning; later small children joined in. it was not until early afternoon that young women, who had spent the morning hours dressing in all their finery, came to the dance area. Towards evening the young men, also in their finest attire, joined in. The next day the site of the dancing shifted to the headman's house and continued all day.

Two or three men in the village are appointed to be 'idiots' (paka) who tease those who are not dancing to get them back into the group whenever the number drops too low. They throw dirt on people, grab their drinks, and generally carry on to make it a happy, festive occasion. During the celebration it is important for the villagers to maintain friendly relations. Quarrelling and bickering are taboo. There is much visiting with clan members and friends. Lisu used to put up a 'taboo sign' (ta leo) at the entrance of the village during the New Year celebration so no outsiders would enter. Since the 1960s the Lisu have gradually dropped this, and now visitors are no longer prohibited.

At the next dawn the village priest announces that the 'sun has risen', and the New Year celebration is over. Each family ties a piece pork and two rice cakes to its New Year tree and casts it out into the jungle, ending the festival.

New Year Ceremonies of LISU-1

The most important festival is that of the New Year, when they celebrate the turning from the old to the new. Many hours and considerable sums of money are devoted to the making of new outfits for the young people. Silver ornaments are cleaned, and silver buttons are sewn onto the clothing. Quantities of liquor are distilled, each step in the process being punctuated by shooting a gun.

The New Year festival begins with the announcement by the village priest that on the following day they must make 'rice cakes' (pa pa). The household of the village priest is the first to make the cakes then a gun is shot as a signal that the other villagers can start making theirs. Each family gathers around its pounder and together makes the cakes to be used in New Year offerings, and to be eaten by the family.

During the day the young people make excursions to the fields to collect large quantities of vegetables, and men from each family go to the jungle and cut a New Year tree (leh dzuh). After sunset the priest calls out from the guardian spirit shrine that the sun has set, then each family ceremonially plants its tree in front of the house. The 'Old Year' celebration is observed, in preparation for which each house is 'purified' by being swept thoroughly and having all leftover food discarded.

That evening hard-boiled eggs and strings, one of each for every person in the household, are placed in a basin of uncooked glutinous rice. The oldest man in the household takes the basin outside and calls the souls of the household members to come into it, then takes it back inside, gives an egg to each person to eat, and ties members and the wrists or elbows of children and guests.

Later in the evening the senior shaman goes into a trance for his household and the village as a whole. While in the trance he blows fireballs of lard, and sprays water from his mouth in order to drive the 'bad' of the Old Year away, so that everything will be clean and good for the New Year. The spirits speak through him, emphasizing that everyone must make a break with the old, so as to enter into the New Year from sickness and evil. He says such things as, 'people, don't separate. Wherever you go, whatever happens, stay together and be united'. This theme is expressed in other ways as well, because there may be families who plan to leave the village soon after the New Year.

Religious Practitioners of LISU-3

Shaman: In the event of a serious illness, the shaman may be asked to perform the 'spraying' of the sickness. A pan of lard is placed on the fire, and while it is heating he sings himself into a trance. He then scoops hot fat into his mouth, and sprays the fat over a torch he carries, making big fireballs - a most spectacular sight in a dark house. Then he moves to the door and blows fireballs out of the house.

While the shaman is in a trance the spirits speak through him telling those assembled what offering is required to bring healing - usually a pig or chicken. The following day the sacrifice is made to the ancestor or other spirit causing the sickness. The ancestors most commonly associated with sickness are those who have recently died, especially fathers and mothers.

When there are clear signs that a man is called to be a shaman, other shamans in the area gather with him in the jungle outside his village to hold an initiation ceremony. One of the older shamans calls down some of the powerful yet potentially benevolent spirits, such as the village guardian spirit, to ride the new shaman. Lisu say they do this so the wild, fierce spirits will not come to ride him first, as it is 'just like when someone gets a new horse, everyone want to ride it'. The good spirits keep away the evil spirits, until the shaman is strong enough to deal with them.

Religious Practitioners of LISU-2

Shaman :Whereas the priest serves as the representative between the villagers and the guardian, a shaman serves as the link between the human and spirit world. The shaman belongs to his spirit, just as the priest belongs to the village guardian, but only the shaman becomes possessed.

Any male may become a shaman who shows an aptitude for contacting ancestors and spirits and passes an initiation test given by other shamans in the area. The spirit of his clan chooses a shaman. The first manifestations are that he is physically weak, wants to play in the fire, and prefers staying at home rather than going to the fields. If he eats food denied to a shaman, such as onions, garlic, or fried foods, he will become insane for a short time, and a sacrifice must be made to the household spirits to bring him to his senses. This is proof that he has been 'called' to be a shaman.

The main function of a shaman is to divine the cause of illness or misfortune, then sign away the spirit who is responsible. When called to someone's house to go into a trance and be 'ridden by the spirits', he first changes the water in the bowls on the ancestral altar, and then lights joss sticks. Bending over with his hands on his knees, he whistles for his spirit to come, and sings himself into a trance. The spirits ride him as if the were a horse, and they speak to the people assembled in the house through him. Him finally falls unconscious to the floor, which is a sign that he has sung the spirit out of the patient into himself. As the shaman sleeps in a coma the spirit returns to its abode.

Religious Practitioners of LISU-1

As the Lisu religion combines ancestor worship and spirit propitiation, two types of practitioners are necessary in carrying out religious functions: the 'village priest' (mu meu pha), and the shaman (ne pha).


Village priest: The elders to direct ceremonies and to be the go-between in all dealing with the village guardian spirit choose the village priest. One of his most important duties is to announce the special days in the Lisu calendar, such as the semi-monthly holy days, various ceremonies, and most important of all, the New Year festival. He directs the men in caring for the altar of the village guardian spirit, as well as all other religious affairs of the village, and is given the highest status. Any improper behavior towards him on the part of the villagers endangers everyone, for he is virtually the incarnation of the guardian spirit.

Durrenberger tells of one priest who did not change the water at the village shrine and neglected other duties. One day while he was fishing with explosives an accident destroyed one of his eyes. This was taken as a sign that the guardian spirit was angry and wanted to kill him, so the elders chose a new priest to take his place.

Clan and Family of LISU-2

Serious animosity some times develops in a family, the most serious being between a son and his father. The Lisu ideal is for the son to show his father utmost respect and obedience at all times; he is dependent on him for most physical, social and religious needs. Then the son want to marry, the father pays the bride price. If a son and his family are still living in the father's house, and one of them falls ill, the father decides whether or not to call a shaman.

If the father is a domineering type, serious tensions build up, sometimes to the point where the son kills him. Between 1958 and 1966 there were at least six such incidents. The main factor that deters such behavior is the knowledge that when the father dies he will become one of the son's ancestral spirits, and will be able to take revenge.

Sometimes younger/older brother conflicts develop. A younger brother should accept inferior status. The older brother takes charge of the household in the absence of the father, assigns work to his younger siblings, and even makes commitments they are expected to honor. This often arouses resentment in the younger siblings, and the theme of 'primacy' rears its head.

Clan and Family of LISU-1

Kinship is based on a system of patrillineal clans. Six of them are traditionally Lisu, and have Lisu names; Hone(Bya), Wood(suh), Fish(Ngwa), Bear(Wu), Buckwheat(Gwa), and Hemp(Dzuh). The honey clan is the largest, and has three segments. There are a further nine principal clans which have evolved from inter-marriage with Yunnanes; Li, Yang, Wang, Tao, Wu, Ts'ao, Ho, Cu, and Cang. Of these the Yang and Li are the largest.

There are no formal heads or chiefs, but the oldest mal member of a clan members of that village. He may be called upon to arbitrate disputes within the clan to keep the matter out of the headman's jurisdiction. At festivals, such as the New Year, this respected elder is accordid special honor by those in his clan.

On the last night of the old year a Lisu family often gathers around the fire, and the oldest member of the household tells the history of the family and clan, relating names and incidents which go back many generations. There tends to be rivalry and conflict among clans. Members of the Honey clan, for example, believe that they are far superior to the Fish clan members, and vice versa. If there is a lawsuit, clan members of both parties side with their kin and try to make sure he wins - guilty or not. If tensions become too severe, on or more families may move out of the village, bringing about a measure of stability.

Certain clans in Thailand tend to be ostracized by the others. Rumours are spread, for example, that many of the women in the Hemp and Buckwheat clans are possessed by weretigers. There are cases where a village is made up entirely of members of one of these ostracized clans. It has even reached the point where it is difficult for their girls to find Lisu husvands - often they end up marring Yunannese men.

On some occasions there have been feuds between clans. In on year six people were killed in sucj a feud in the Doi Chang and Tak areas. If such feuding foes on undeterred, villages may disintegrate; but as long as they respect the priest and continue to unite in their worship of the village guardian spirit, they can usually function as a community.

Headman of LISU

Headman: The Lisu political headman(xwa thu pha) should be a person who has a 'good heart and good mind'. When the elders choose him, they kill a pig or chicken and have a feast. They pray that he will have a long life and be taken care of 'seven times a day by the sun, and nine times a night by the moon', their poetic couplet signifying 'forever'. They also pray that the people not separate, and that more people will move into their village. At the end of the ceremony they tie a string around his neck to ensure food health, and to keep his soul leaving him, being overwhelmed by all this attention.

Lisu want their headman to be more of an arbiter and judge than a ruler. For example, if one person's pigs get into another person's field and eat some rice. The aggrieved man complains to the headman. Who then sets a time when both sides, with their friends and any witness, should meet at his house. Each faction tells its version of the incident, and the headman decides what should be done. The spirit of competition is so volatile in Lisu society that serious arguments are likely to ensue. The headman may appeal to the elders, who almost automatically align themselves according to clan and family, thus the side with the most clansmen nearly always 'wins' the case.

At the conclusion of the discussion, the headman exacts a fine, which may simply be to donate a bottle of liquor to be enjoyed by participants. In the case of a monetary fine the headman takes a share, and the balance goes to the wronged party. Often the defendant refuses to pay the fine. And the case continues unresolved. The headman must attempt to gain the cooperation of all concerned, because failing to do so might result in disgruntled villagers moving out. It has been reported that parties losing a case have killed headmen, for Lisu are determined to be winners.

House construction of Lisu

The ridge-pole of a house follows the contour of the hillside. The only door is always made in the middle of the lower side. Opposite the 'ancestral altar'(ta bya). This places the altar on the uphill side of the house, so it is 'above the people'. At ceremonial feasts the most respected elders sit nearest the altar, while the younger men sit nearer the door. No house in the village may be built directly in front of another, as that would obstruct the unseen 'spirit path' that goes through the door to the altar. Lisu tend to build their houses far enough apart so that if one should burn, the fire would not spread to other house.

There are two types of houses: 'ground house'(micha hi), with packed earth for the floorl and 'elevated house'(kacha hi) built on posts. Houses built on the ground are more popular at higher elevations, as they are warmer. In both types the main bedroom is on the uphill side, next to the ancestral altar. The other bedrooms and guest areas are constructed according to need and available space. In some clans the fireplace must not come between the door and the ancestral altar.

The size of the house depends on the number of people living in it. Small children sleep with their parents in the main bedroom. Children from the age of about 10 to puberty sleep on the guest platforms, girls on one and boys on the other. When there are guests the girls go to the house of puberty are given a bedroom of their own. A married son living with his parents has a separate bedroom for his family.

Lisu welcome guests into the main room of the house, and look after their needs. They expect the guests to stay out of the bedrooms, not to interfere with the ancestral altar, and not to sleep with their heads toward the fire, which is sacred. The first fire in a new house must be started bay an older person. It should be someone who has parented at least on child.

When the altar is installed, the ancestral spirits are asked to take up residence. Two cocks and an hen are sacrificed, and meat from them, some cooked and some raw, is placed on the altar. During special ceremonies the ancestral spirits residing in the altar are addressed by the terms, 'You who rule the gold, you who rule the silver', for it is through their blessing that the household for it is through their blessing that the household can gain wealth.

Guardian spirit shrine Of Lisu

Every Lisu village must have a 'village guardian spirit shrine '(Apa mu hi) above the village. The guardian spirit inhabiting this shrine protects the village by keeping out bad influences, robbers, evil spirit, drought, and disease. If villagers violate Lisu customs, such as disobeying the village priest or committing sexual sins, they believe the guardian spirit will take some kind of revenge. This roofed shrine is located in fenced area above the village, and is built underneath a leafy tree. On a shelf in the shrine are kept four small rice bowls containing water, on for each point of the compass. In addition there is a bowl of water for each clan represented in the village.

In this scared compound, which females cannot enter are two other less elaborate altars to the 'Lord of the Land' and the ruler of the area. In some case there is another altar below the shrine to Xwa suh, who is the brother of the guardian spirit.

Communal worship of the guardian spirit helps to bind the village together. There are many annual offerings at the shrine, as will as special offerings for the purification of the village whenever the priest decides they are needed. Individual families also feel a responsibility to the guardian spirit, and derive some protection from him. A new family moving into the village makes an offering to Apa mu to announce their arrival, and to ask for his protection. A family moving away also makes an offering to the guardian spirit, explaining their departure, and requesting his blessing. A special ceremony is conducted to obtain his blessing when a child is born- also for a colt or a litter of pigs. Meat is offered to him from the first pig in a litter to be butchered.

Socio-Economy Pattern-2

Hill tribe villages are likely to break up at any time for many reasons, such as: shortage of good cropland nearby, dissatisfaction with village leaders, intravillage disputes, disputes with neighboring villages, frequent harassment by bandits, many deaths in quick succession of either villagers or their livestock, expulsion of new religious converts by the traditional group and in more recent years, fear of terrorism by political insurgents. Dispersion is more frequent among the opium-poppy growing communities.

Highland villages, except those of the Lisu, are led by a headman with one or more assistants. This is especially likely if a village is formed by many households coming from different places. In general, the headman is responsible for maintaining the peace, settling disputes, hosting visitors to the village and also action as the village liaison with government authorities. In a mature village, there is usually an informal council of elders whose advice is sought on important issues by the headman. This council participates in the making of all important decisions which affect the village. Typical issues include whether the village should be moved to a new site or not, whether outsiders should be allowed to cut swiddens on village land, or whether a particular household should be expelled.

In tribal culture there is no supra-village organization. This also means there is no higher leader or chieftain for each tribe who can extend his power over all villages belonging to his ethnic group.

Most highlanders are animists and mostly pantheists who believe in spirits of all kinds: heavenly spirits, natural spirits, ancestral spirits, house spirits and spirits in certain things. These spirits, either benevolent or malevolent, usually require propitiation and sacrifice and for some tribes, their highest and most respected spirits are godlike. Many cases of sickness are believed to be caused by offended spirits, especially the evil ones. These spirits are considered to have cast bad fortune on the individual or group concerned by taking away their souls, causing sickness and harming their livestock. Either the shaman or the religious leader must diagnose the cause of sickness. The benevolent spirits are requested to come and are provided with offerings in return for force the evil ones to return the soul to the sick person. However, many spirits can be either benevolent or malevolent depending on whether or not they are treated properly.

In some tribes, the religious leaders also perform village wide rituals and pray for the welfare and prosperity of the whole village or individual house holds. These people are therefore very important local leaders in highland society, and in some tribes, like the Pwo Karen, the shaman may also be the village headman. In traditional groups, with the exception of the Lua, most of whom are well integrated into lowland society, there are no social classes. The only group which might be defined as exclusive is that of the village elders who are widely respected beyond their own households. In other words, highland society is egalitarian.

The second important corporate structure in tribal villages is the household. Hill tribe households consist either of the extended or the nuclear family hold. The nuclear family household consists of just two generations, a husband and his wife and their children. Extended family households are more common among the Meo and the Yao. These people are also polygynous, while the Lahu, Lisu, Akha, Karen, Lua, H'tin and Khamu are monogamous.

The household is the basic socio-economic unit charged with the responsibility of providing food, shelter, welfare, education, religious training, and socialization.