Socio-Economy Pattern-2

Hill tribe villages are likely to break up at any time for many reasons, such as: shortage of good cropland nearby, dissatisfaction with village leaders, intravillage disputes, disputes with neighboring villages, frequent harassment by bandits, many deaths in quick succession of either villagers or their livestock, expulsion of new religious converts by the traditional group and in more recent years, fear of terrorism by political insurgents. Dispersion is more frequent among the opium-poppy growing communities.

Highland villages, except those of the Lisu, are led by a headman with one or more assistants. This is especially likely if a village is formed by many households coming from different places. In general, the headman is responsible for maintaining the peace, settling disputes, hosting visitors to the village and also action as the village liaison with government authorities. In a mature village, there is usually an informal council of elders whose advice is sought on important issues by the headman. This council participates in the making of all important decisions which affect the village. Typical issues include whether the village should be moved to a new site or not, whether outsiders should be allowed to cut swiddens on village land, or whether a particular household should be expelled.

In tribal culture there is no supra-village organization. This also means there is no higher leader or chieftain for each tribe who can extend his power over all villages belonging to his ethnic group.

Most highlanders are animists and mostly pantheists who believe in spirits of all kinds: heavenly spirits, natural spirits, ancestral spirits, house spirits and spirits in certain things. These spirits, either benevolent or malevolent, usually require propitiation and sacrifice and for some tribes, their highest and most respected spirits are godlike. Many cases of sickness are believed to be caused by offended spirits, especially the evil ones. These spirits are considered to have cast bad fortune on the individual or group concerned by taking away their souls, causing sickness and harming their livestock. Either the shaman or the religious leader must diagnose the cause of sickness. The benevolent spirits are requested to come and are provided with offerings in return for force the evil ones to return the soul to the sick person. However, many spirits can be either benevolent or malevolent depending on whether or not they are treated properly.

In some tribes, the religious leaders also perform village wide rituals and pray for the welfare and prosperity of the whole village or individual house holds. These people are therefore very important local leaders in highland society, and in some tribes, like the Pwo Karen, the shaman may also be the village headman. In traditional groups, with the exception of the Lua, most of whom are well integrated into lowland society, there are no social classes. The only group which might be defined as exclusive is that of the village elders who are widely respected beyond their own households. In other words, highland society is egalitarian.

The second important corporate structure in tribal villages is the household. Hill tribe households consist either of the extended or the nuclear family hold. The nuclear family household consists of just two generations, a husband and his wife and their children. Extended family households are more common among the Meo and the Yao. These people are also polygynous, while the Lahu, Lisu, Akha, Karen, Lua, H'tin and Khamu are monogamous.

The household is the basic socio-economic unit charged with the responsibility of providing food, shelter, welfare, education, religious training, and socialization.

Socio-Economy Pattern

It can be said that highlanders belong to the peasantry. In terms of their cultivation practices, they can be divided into three groups: dry rice cultivators, wet or irrigated rice cultivators and combinations of these. There are also three principal forms of land use:

1.Pioneer or primary swiddening, shifting cultivation in the real meaning where farmers move from place to place.

2.Land rotation of cultivable fields, sometimes called cyclical bush fallow. This system is based on permanent residence and can be said to be a stable or permanent form of agriculture.

3.Wet rice cultivation.

Pioneer swiddening is usually employed be opium-poppy growing people who can also be considered as a cash crop-oriented sector of the peasantry. The second type of land use, the rotational farming system, is practiced by the Karen, Lua, H'tin and Khamu, who do not traditionally grow opium. This rotational system does not exhaust soil fertility and operates within fixed village boundaries. The Karen and the Lua also construct wet-rice terraces in the lowlands, uplands and high valleys. (Wherever there is sufficient water for irrigation).

To sum up, on the one hand, the non-opium poppy-growing people practice a relatively stable system of agriculture and grow mainly rice and a variety of other crops, primarily for home consumption with a little surplus for sale. On the other hand, the pioneer swiddeners and poppy growers rely heavily on their earnings from opium to purchase their daily necessities.

In traditional highland society, two corporate structures form the most important social institutions. The largest institution is the village, made up of houses mainly of the same ethnic group. However, in the villages of the opium poppy-growing groups, there may be one or more houses of traders who are "Haw" or Yunnanese Chinese, Shan, Lue or Northern Thai. There are also other ethnic persons who do seasonal work as wage earners for opium producing households. These migrant workers are often paid in opium and are usually addicts who have chosen to take up residence in that village.

Villages of the same ethnic group are widely scattered and may be surrounded by villages of other ethnic groups (see the TRI map prepared for Highlanders of Thailand). Normally there is a main settlement with one or more small hamlets located in the general vicinity. Such hamlets form because there may be limited space in the original village, some people want to live closer to cultivable land, or some wish to live in a group consisting of only their own relatives.

Silver ornaments of Hmonk

Silver ornaments: The Hmong keep a great deal of their wealth in the form of silver jewelry. All Hmong-men, women, and children-wear silver neck rings, at least for special occasions. At the naming ceremony a silver neck ring is given to a Hmong baby to keep the soul in and signify that the baby belongs to the man-world. Silver has a special significance to the Hmong, symbolizing wealth and the essence of the good life.

Every household acquires as much silver as possible, and at New Year all the family silver jewelry is worn and displayed. Three styles of earrings are worn by Hmong women. One style is shaped like an arrow with the shaft bent around to form a circle. The second is an elongated S-shaped, flat or round, with a pointed plug worn through the earlobe, and either hooked up into the back of the turban, or allowed to hang down in front. A more modern type is a small silver hook with a number of small dangles hanging from it. White Hmong, both men and women, wear heavy engraved round silver bracelets. Blue Hmong wear narrow flat engraved bracelets. These may be of brass or copper rather than silver. Neck rings, solid or hollow, are worn either singly or in sets of up to six tiers-five being standard. Frequently heavy silver chains with lock-shaped pendants are attached to the neck rings. These 'locks' are added during curing ceremonies to keep the soul in the body. At New Year they may wear heavy silver chains with pendants of fish, butterflies, wheels, bells, and miniature grooming tools, and young women may wear a pointed ring on every finger. The amount of silver displayed at the New Year festival in an affluent Hmong village is most impressive.

Men's clothing of Hmonk

Men's clothing: Hmong men wear loose-fitting black pants folded across the waist, tucked in at the top, and often secured with a leather belt. Blue Hmong pants are extremely full, having narrow openings for the ankles with the very wide crotch falling mid-way between calves and ankles. White Hmong pants are less full, having a higher crotch.

Jackets are also made of black cloth-usually cotton, but sometimes velvet or satin. Both blue and white Hmong wezar short jackets leaving a bare midriff. Hmong in the Chiang Mai area commonly wear extremely short jackets. The collarless jacket buttons at the neck, crosses over the chest, and fastens on the left side with silver buttons. The piece across the chest is ornamented with the needlework customary for that branch of the tribe.

Many White Hmong men wear4 a longer jacket with a Chinese-style high collar, which, together with the cuffs and the front opening, are embroidered. Some Blue Hmong men now wear a similar jacket in cold season.

Men wear wide sashes up to six meters long. Some are folded on the bias so as to form pointed ends. The sash is carefully wrapped so that the heavily embroidered ends fall evenly together in front giving the appearance of an apron. White Hmong, and some Blue, wear red sashes which are squared-off at the ends and adorned with Mien-style embroidery.

Traditionally the men shaved their heads, except for the crown, where the hair was left long and sometimes braided into a queue. Blue Hmong in all areas and some White Hmong in Chiang Mai Province wear Chinese-style black satin skullcaps with a big fluffy magenta pompon on top.

Musical Intrumentals of Lahu

Musical Intrumentals :The Lahu musical gourd pipe [naw] is made of a gourd inserted with five bamboo tubes of different lengths tuned to the pentatonic scale. At the base of each tube is a finely crafted reed. These instruments are made in various sizes-small ones being in the upper register, large ones descending to low bass.

Bamboo Jew's harps [a hta] are used in tuned pairs or threes. Young men and women use both gourd pipes and Jew's harps to 'talk to each other' during courting.

Basketry of Lahu

The Lahu Shi have a good reputation as basket makers. They weave sturdy storage baskets with rattan outer walls and bamboo linings. These covered baskets are either hamper-style or trunk-shaped. They have long been sought after by other tribal people, and are now popular in the crafts market. Some Lahu Shi villages with a source of rattan nearby receive considerable income from the sale of baskets.

All Lahu make back-carrying baskets of open or close weave. Those of the Sheh Leh are of outstanding quality. Some men in each group make superior bamboo containers in round or oval shapes which are used for carrying cooked rice or by the women for keeping sewing supplies.

Clothing of Lahu Shi

The Christian Lahu Shi women dress like Shan or Northern Thai, while men wear ready-made clothing, usually in Western style. Since 1975 there has been an influx of Lahu Shi refugees from Laos who wear their traditional clothing, made of commercial black cloth. The women's short jackets are flared at the waist. Young unmarried women adorn their jackets with many strips of red cloth set off with white and other colours. Lacy patterns are embroidered between the appliqued strips, and roes of tiny silver buttons [now aluminium] and cowrie shells are added. Bands of coloured cloth, predominantly red, are sewn to the upper sleeves and cuffs. A row of repoussed silver rectangular buckles closes the jacket in front.

The top section of a young women's skirt is of Shan or Laotian hand-woven red cloth with vari-coloured stripes. The middle section is of black cloth with strips of appliqued designs in red and other colours. The lower portion is solid black, with a red hemline border. The married women's jacket is similar to that of the single girl, but with fewer red strips and no embroidery. It does not lack for ornateness, however, as there is an abundance of tiny aluminium buttons and dangling silver balls. The skirt has striped red cloth at the top like the young woman's skirt, but bands of coloured cloth or flowered prints are the only decoration on the lower part.

Unmarried women wear black turbans, the ends of which are ornamented with strips of brightly-coloured cloth, buttons, beads and coins. Married women's turbans are less decorative. Women wear large cylindrical silver earrings and plain silver neck rings. Their throats are wrapped with strands of alternating red and white beads; sometimes waist-length strands of beads are added. Often belts of silver or other metal secure their narrow sarongs.

On festive occasions unmarried Lahu Shi men and boys wear black jackets and pants decorated with strips of other colours and embroidery. The jacket is ornamented with numerous rows of buttons in front and on the sleeves. The costume is completed with a long-fringed black turban. Married men wear black with little or no embellishment. A headman, however, often wears a jacket of a shiny material and a pink silk turban.

Lahu Shi weave sturdy shoulder bags on back-strap looms; those from Laos make a simple striped bag; those from Burma weave a wide variety of designs. All Lahu make delightful caps for their children. Some are made of triangular-shaped cloth which join at the top, and are crowned with a pompon. Caps for little girls are more elaborate than those for boys.

Clothing of Lahu Na

Traditional Lahu Na clothing is made of their own homespun indigo-dyed cloth. The woman's ankle-length tunic is trimmed with applique patch-work. Generally it opens down the right side; some open down the front. The sides are split to the waist and edged with bands of predominantly red and white applique which consists of triangles, squares, and strips with a double row of scallops in red and white. The hemline at the back is embellished with a border of embroidered designs. The sleeves have narrow bands of red and other colour edged with scalloping. A broad band of blue cloth and narrow bands of variour colour from the cuffs.

The banded piece which goes diagonally from the throat to just under the right arm and the stand- up collar are encrusted with many rows of silver half-sphere buttons; silver dangles hang from the bottom row. At the back. Groups of silver buttons are arranged around the yoke in triangular designs, with more dangles hanging from them. The tunic closes at the throat, shoulder, and under the right arm with round silver buckles.

The black sarong is decorated with strips of brightly-coloured cloth stitched in zigzags and other patterns. A black turban decorated with beads and tassels completes the outfit. Women wear either wide engraved or narrow molded silver bracelets. Their earrings are similar to those of the Lahu Nyi. For ceremonial occasions the more affluent add heavy silver chains and necklaces with pendants of wheels, fish, butterflies, bells, and tiny grooming tools.

Lahu Na men wear suits of homespun black cloth. The jackets open either in front or down the right side, and the full-cut Chinese pants are ankle-length. Both jackets and pants are decorated with embroidered lines in predominantly red thread. Black turbans worn for festive occasions. A black shoulder bag with patch-work appliqued designs similar to those on the women's tunic is the most distinctive type for this group. Bags of a variety of woven designs are also popular. They like to decorate them lavishly with bright-coloured wool tufting and pompons, those worn by men for the New Year's dancing being especially ornate.

ClothingLahu Sheh Leh

Lahu Sheh Leh clothing is preferably made of fairly heavy black cotton cloth with a sheen. Women wear three-quarter-length tunics which open down the front. All edges of the tunic are set off by narrow bands of white and pale yellow with touches of red and blue for accent. Strips of banding are also added across the shoulders, just below the waist, and on the sleeves. Some of the young women, however, are now sewing wide bands of red, white, and blue or gaily printed cloth on their sleeves.

Older women and young girls have only narrow strips of the banding at the back hemline, while young unmarried women make wide borders of exquisitely stitched bands and scallops. Tunics for festive wear are embellished with half-sphere silver buttons and coins, and are closed with a row of repoussed or engraved buckles to the waist.

Women's pants, resembling culottes, are trimmed with red and yellow stitching and reach to just below the knees. Black leggings with white and yellow banding have cuffs which turn down at the top.

Sheh Leh women wear quantities of small white beads wound closely around their throats, which consist of a single strand several metres in length. Wide silver bracelets adorn their wrists and silver neck rings are worn on festive occasions. Men dress in black jackets, knee-length loose pants, and leggings with blue trim, all lined with white. A hand-woven sash is used as a belt.

Traditionally men and women wore black turbans, but turkish towels now serve that purpose- bright flowered ones for women and white for men. Their black shoulder bags have the same type of trim as the women's tunics, young women's bags being the most lavish. The hand-woven straps are pale yellow with narrow stripes of other colours. Long fringe hangs down from the sides, and tassels of thread and torn cloth extend from the lower corners. Less elaborate bags of similar design are in everyday use.

Clothing of Lahu Nyi

Lahu Nyi women wear short lined jackets, sarong-type skirts, and leggings, usually made of black cotton cloth. For festive wear velvet or satin may be used in black, blue, or green colours.

Jackets are edged with red down the front and around the bottom, with added strips of red around the upper arms. It is the predominance of red in their clothing which has earned them the name 'Lahu Nyi' [Red Lahu], although bands of blue, white, and printed material are also used. Jackets are closed in front with one or more engraved round silver buckles, some of which are very large.

Skirts are made of three horizontal panels. The top panel is basically red with woven stripes in other colours. The bottom panel is sometimes simply a six cm strip of plain white cloth stitched over the skirt, but the festive skirts have broad borders up to 15 cm wide of red cloth with many lines of coloured thread stitched on it. This is done by couching [laying a strand of thread in a straight line and tacking it down with tiny evenly-spaced stitches.] The same technique is used for accent around the edges, using a cord made by twisting many threads together. The central panel of the skirt is often left plain, but is sometimes decorated with couched thread as in the border. Skirts are worn folded in front and secured with a sash or metal belt. For dress-up occasions silver belts are worn- often of silver rupee coins. Leggings are black or blue, with red and white trim.

Recently some of the more affluent Lahu Nyi women have discovered the sewing machine. They have attachments for fancy stitches, and now lavishly decorate jackets and skirts, replacing laboriour hand-stitching. Many women who do not own machines buy clothing from those who do.

Silver ornament worn by women include wide bracelets, neck rings, finger rings, and earrings. One type of earring is in the from of a circle which hooks into the ear, with a tightly-wound coil or leaf-shape at the bottom; the other has a decorative crown with club-shaped dangles attached.

Lahu Nyi men wear loose black jackets that fasten on the side, and three-quarter length Chinese-style pants. In some cases the pants and jackets have an embroidered trim. Young men prefer blue or green pants, elders wear black, sometimes lined with white cloth. Leggings are black or white with blue trim.

On festive occasions the jackets of both young men and coins. Traditionally the men have worn New Year's turbans made of two yards each of red, black, and white cloth. The standard Lahu Nyi shoulder bag is predominantly red, embellished with a variety of embroidered designs. Festive bags are ornamented with silver buttons and coins and have a long fringe across the bottom. The strap is handwoven, mostly in red.

Clothing Ornamentation of LAHU

If at New Year time one could visit in wequence lahu Nyi, Lahu Sheh Leh, Lahu Na, and Lahu Shi villages, one would experience the full impact of the diversity of these groups, and yet recognize a common Lahuness. Some Lahu have discarded the use of traditional clothing except at festival times. Lahu Nyi and Sheh Leh, however, still generally wear their own style of clothing, as do the lahu Shi recently arrived from Laos. Lahu Shi Christians had completely abandoned the use of traditional dress until the coming of their kinsmen from Laos. Now some are beginning to wear Lahu Shi clothing for special occasions. Most Lahu Na in Thailand dress like their lowland neighbors for daily wear, but on festive occasions many of them wear traditional clothing.

Formerly Lahu wove their own cloth on foot-treadle looms. Most of them have lost that art, but a few lahu Na women still weave cloth. The women of all Lahu sub-tribes use the back-strap loom to weave shoulder bags, or at least straps for their bags.

All the groups embroider, but have distinct techniques. Lahu Na and Lahu Shi do patch-work applique, and all groups use bands of cloth for decorative purposes - the Sheh Leh being masters of that art.

Hmonk Women's cloting

Women's clothing: Blue Hmong women wear knee-length pleated skirts of hand-woven hemp or cotton cloth, hemp being preferred. The central horizontal panel is 25 to 30 cm wide, and is covered with a batik pattern. The pattern is drawn with beeswax onto the cloth with a tool made by their blacksmiths. After the wax has been applied, the cloth is immersed in a cold indigo dye. When the dye has set6, the wax is removed by boiling, then skimmed off to be used again. The Blue Hmong are apparently the only tribal people in mainland Southeast Asia skilled in batiking.

A 15 cm strip of plain cloth is attached to the top of the batiked panel, and a border with bright-coloured cross-stitch embroidery and applique of red and other bright colors is added to the bottom edge. The width of the border varies, with teen-age girls making their's wider than the adults. A strip of white is stitched to the bottom edge. The entire skirt, more than six metres for an adult, is accordion-pleated, anchored down with herringbone stitches. A thread is run through the pleats as they are made, holding them together in three or four places, and the skirt is stored that way until used.

Blue Hmong women's jackets are generally of black cotton; sometimes velvet is used. There are three types. The first has a five to six cm embroidered and appliqued strip stitched to each edge in front. The second has a wide zigzag coming down in three steps from the right shoulder, crossing over to the left side. The third has a finer zigzag pattern. The jackets are unfinished at the lower edge, and are bound down with a black sash that is wound several times around the waist.

There are two types of collars: one is a simple rectangle about 12 by 16 cm; the other has a similar rectangle, with a wide border tapering to elongated points on the jacket with the embroidered side down. There are many theories why the needlework is reversed, but the Hmong say they really do not know, only that it is the 'proper' way to do it.

Women wear an apron over the front of the skirt, which for everyday wear is black. Festive aprons, elaborately embroidered and appliqued, tie on with a red, pink, or orange sash, and have long tassels hanging down the back. For full dress occasions extra red sashes are wound around the waist until a woman seems grossly overweight. Quite often a silver belt is worn over this. At New Year an unattached batiked bib is worn with the apron. Often silver coins and ornaments are stitched to it.

Clothing of Hmong-2

Needlework for babies and children

Hmong mothers devote their finest skills in making carrying-cloths and caps for their babies. A carrying-cloth resembles a bibbed apron. It is made of two rectangular pieces of cloth, the smaller at the top, joined together at the borders. Long red straps attached to the top corners are used to tie the baby on the back. The Blue Hmong use batik material for the larger rectangle, accented with strips, squares, and triangles of bright red appliqued pieces. The smaller top rectangle may be ornamented with a combination of cross-stitch embroidery, applique, and tiny shocking pink pompons. The White Hmong do not use batiking, but ornament their baby-carriers with a variety of embroidery stitching, applique, and reverse applique-the process of cutting a pattern into a cloth and stitching it onto another.

Many styles of caps are made for the babies, most of them very elaborate. All are ornamented with typical needlework of the respective branch of the tribe and many pink, red, or magenta pompons. Children's clothing is mainly a miniature version of adult garb. For festive wear-especially ornament the clothing of even the smallest with their best needlework.

Clothing of Hmong-1

A tiny needle, strands of bright thread, lengths of vari-colored cloth, and the genius of a Hmong woman-these are the ingredients of some of the most exquisite needlework to be found anywhere. Throughout their long history, Homong women have devoted their artistic skill and industry to the development of an amazing variety of techniques using needle and thread. They adorn the clothing of every member of the family, from the smallest baby to the oldest grandparents. Even the corpses are richly endowed with embroideries to take to the next world.

Nowadays much of the cloth used is purchased from itinerant traders or in the marketplace, but traditionally it all had to be produced within the Hmong household. Even today many women prefer to weave their own homespun hemp or cotton cloth for much of the clothing worn by the family, using looms that combine back-strap and foot-treadle techniques. The weaver sits on a bench with one end of the loom attached to a belt. She controls the tension with her back, while shifting the warp threads with foot treadles.

Spirits and the Village gate of Akha

Although formal aspects of the Akha Way are based primarily on the Akha relationship with the ancestors, in everyday life they are continually concerned about unseen spirit forces. According to Akha myth, human beings and these 'spirits' originally lived together in an idyllic relationship. All animals, wild and domesticated, also lived together in perfect harmony. Human beings tilled their fields in the daytime, and spirits tilled theirs at night. Trouble broke out, however, when spirits began to steal chicken eggs from people, and people began stealing cucumbers from spirits. As the conflict grew it was finally decided they should separate-people living in villages and spirits in the jungle. In order to provide a clear demarcation between the human and spirit realms, it was decided that 'village gates' should be erected at the upper and lower ends of an Akha village.

In compliance with this myth Akha still maintain such village gates. If they follow the ritual requirements fully, they pass through one of the gates each time they enter the village, in order to decontaminate themselves from the spirit powers in the jungle. The gates are sacred, and must not be defiled by anyone, whether villager or outsider. Should someone do so the elders will fine him, since such contamination necessitates a special offering to purify the gates.
The main gate is usually located on the path at the upper part of the village. The primary function of the gate and the wooden figures associated with it is to 'protect the village from hawks and wildcats, leopards and tigers, illness and plague, leprosy and epilepsy, vampires and were tigers, and all other bad and wicked things'

The village gates are renewed each year under the direction of the village priest. Young men go out, cut timbers, and erect two new posts and a crossbar just beyond the posts erected the previous year. Through time a tunnel of progressively rotting timbers accumulates from the earlier gates leading into the village. Wooden replicas of guns, crossbows, and birds, along with several bamboo taboo signs are placed on the crossbar of the new gate to prevent spirits from entering. Some Akha have modernized their gates with the addition of miniature airplanes and helicopters. Visitors should not touch these gates or anything related to them. If not planning to enter at least one house, one should not go through the gate or walk through the village, but travel, if possible, on a path which leads around it.

The Akha Way : Ancestors

Ancestors: An Akha perceives himself as being the link between his ancestors and his progeny. He hopes that after his death his descendants will care for him with offerings as he has done for his ancestors. The place for the ancestral offerings is the ancestral altar. It consists either of a section of bamboo tied to a roof support close to the main housepost on the womans' section of the house, or else a small shelf built in the same place. The altar contains the first three heads of rice cut in the previous harvest. A basket containing paraphernalia used for the ancestral offerings is kept beneath the altar.

The offerings feed' the ancestors so they in turn will 'feed' or care for the family by providing abundant rice, wealth, good health, and everything else necessary for the continuation of the line. A small chicken and four other items of food and drink are included in each offering. Five small bowls containing these elements are set on an offering table and placed before the ancestral altar. The ancestors are then invited to come and partake.

The man making the offering politely turns his back so the ancestors can 'come down and eat'. Then he calls the family members to come and participate. The one officiating, usually the household head, takes a morsel of each item offered and eats it. Other members of the family are then given a morsel of each offering, which they receive with both hands held together and bring to their mouths to eat. Anyone who has ever killed another person is barred from taking part in the ceremony-indeed is not even supposed to be in the village at the time.

At the completion of the ceremony the one who has made the offering strikes a gong several times. Extra rice cakes might be placed on the mat over the fireplace and later fed to relatives and friends who come to visit during that offering period. Having eaten, they in turn pronounce a blessing on the household.

Each ancestral offering ceremony must begin on a day auspicious for the village priest. A day of the Akha twelve-day week on which any member of the priest's family was born or died is not auspicious. The most important time for ancestral offerings are New Year, rice planting, the village swing ceremony and rice harvest.

The Akha Way : Myths

Myths :Akha myths speak of a great all-powerful being whom they call 'Apoe Miyeh'. The first part of the name means 'male ancestor', which may help non-Akha to understand their concept of this being. At times it is difficult to distinguish whether they are attributing a given quality or activity to Apoe Miyeh or to the ancestors.

Akha believe Apoe Miyeh created the first beings from whom all people descended. According to one myth he called representatives of the various tribal groups to his abode, and gave out 'books' instructing them in his way. The book he gave the Akha was written on the skin of a water buffalo. On the way back to their village the Akha saw several mysterious signs which they attributed to the fact that they were carrying Apoe Miyeh's book. Therefore, they roasted the buffalo skin and ate it. On that day, say the Akha, they lost their book, but they continue to have Apoe Miyeh's wisdom in their stomachs.

Other myths tell of Apoe Miyeh's dealings with the Akha cultural heroes, including instructions he gave them on how to make the ancestral altar and how to perform offerings to the ancestors.
Akha believe that Apoe Miyeh continues to be involved with them to this day. It is by means of his power, for example, that their rice is 'cleansed', thus insuring a good crop. They are careful not to offend Apoe Miyeh. If a person were to say that a new-born baby is ugly, then Apoe Miyeh would feel they do not appreciate his gift and 'take the baby back'.

The Akha Way

Akha often refer to themselves as those who 'carry the Akha Way'. The have no word for 'religion', but the term 'Akha Way' covers it-and much more. It includes all their traditions and ceremonies. The Akha Way determines how they cultivate their fields and hunt animals, how they view and treat sickness, and the manner in which they relate to one anther and to outsiders. It is all embracing. Any who become Christians, or for any reason discontinue the observance of the Akha Way, expected to leave the village.

The Akha Way is delineated in their mythology, proverbs, and traditions. The manner in which they carry out the Way may vary from clan to clan and village to village, but the main theme is the same: each is a link in a great chain, a part of the Akha continuum, which must be maintained at all cost.

House of Akha

There is an aura of sacredness about an Akha house, for in it is kept the ancestral altar, which is the focus for all ceremonies relating to the ancestors. Consequently there is a prescribed way in which household items must be brought into a mew home. First all the paraphernalia to do with the ancestral altar must be taken in, along with the three-legged iron cooking stand on which their rice is cooked. After that other household furnishings can be moved in.

Houses are usually built up on posts, although sometimes the side on the upper slope of the mountain is built directly on the ground, while the down-hill side is elevated. The space under the house affords a convenient shelter for the animals, as well as storage space for firewood and equipment. In case of two-level houses, the cooking and eating area is on the ground, and the family sleeps on the elevated portion.

Akha houses have no windows, and the roof is constructed in such a way that the eaves come down very low on both sides. This results in a dark interior, but keeps out the wind and rain, and provides a work space outside under the eaves. There are two main sections , the men's and the women's, with a shoulder-high partition between the sections extending as far as the central house beam. One area is for sleeping, the other for work and various activities. The ancestral altar is hung on the woman's side of the partition.

Each house has two open fireplaces for cooking. The one in the men's side is used primarily for cooking meat and brewing tea, while rice and vegetables are cooked on the woman's hearth. Usually there is a third fireplace on the woman's side where pig food is cooked.

It is improper for an outsider to walk through an Akha house, entering one door and leaving by the other, just as it is not acceptable for a person to go directly through an Akha village without entering some home and having at least a drink of water. Food or drink will always be offered in an Akha home, and it is important for the guest to partake, even if only a token amount. Otherwise it appears that the visitor is an intruder-perhaps even a thief. Male guests should not enter the women's section of the house unless invited to do so by the head of the household. Women visitors, on the other hand, can enter the men's section along with other visitors.

Villages of Akha

An Akha village can be identified at a glance by its gates, the towering village swing, and the distinctive style of the houses with their massive roofs. Ideally, a village is built on the saddle back of a mountain where there is a good breeze, a dependable source of drinking water, and adequate arable land in the surrounding area.

In addition to using the 'three grains of rice' method to test a potential village site. Akha elders also use the 'egg drop' method of divining the ideal spot where the spirits, ancestors, and the local 'Lord of Land and Water' are willing to let them settle. An area about one meter square is cleared and a shallow hole made in the center with the dirt being tamped down firmly. The 'village priest' drips a raw egg from the height of his ear into this hole. If the egg breaks, the unseen forces are granting permission for the village to settle there. If it does not break-and

Akha insist that they have seen such instances-they try other places until the egg breaks.
The first house to be built must be that of the village priest. Once his house has been completed the village has been established. The rest of the houses will be grouped around his house in an egalitarian fashion. There is one exception, however. Any family which has ever had 'human rejects' must build their house on a lower slope below all other houses. 'human rejects' are twins or any bay the Akha consider to be abnormal. Such families must be at the lowest elevation to ensure that debris from their house will not wash down and contaminate the other houses.

A village will often have more than one name. In Thai it may be named after some physical feature, such as 'Broken Pock Village', and 'Cogon Grass Village'. They prefer Akha names, often the name of the current or former village riest or political headman. When the name or description of the location is used, the word 'Akha' follows, such as 'Law Lo Akha', whereas when the name of a person is used, the word 'village' is added, as in 'Abaw Tu She Pu'

Everyone in an Akha village should be under the protection of an 'ancestral altar', and participate in the periodic 'ancestral offerings'. If a non-Akha man marries an Akha woman and moves into her village, he must first become a member of the clan of his wife, or of someone living there. He has to take part in all the ceremonies along with everyone lese, and must accept the village priest as having the final word in following the Akha Way.

Akha Ornamentation

Jewellery: Most Akha ornamentation is attached to their clothing. In addition women wear broad flat silver neck rings and wide, plain or engraved silver bracelets. Men wear smooth, round neck rings and bracelets, and sometimes crown-shaped silver rings in their turbans or on their fingers. These days aluminum is often substituted for silver, which has been sold to but food or opium. In some cases, fear of robbery has caused them to bury their silver, and use aluminum for everyday wear.

Akha elders highly value items of silver which are prestige symbols, such as large hollow silver bracelets, tobacco and betel-nut boxes, and long silver pipes. Many Akha women wear antique glass beads of Chinese origin, which have been handed down from mother to daughter for many generations. Most of the smaller beads are of Wuropean origin, the oldest probably having been traded in China by European traders over several centuries. Some Akha women are selling off their valuable antique beads and replacing them with cheap plastic ones.

The coins used on headdresses and other garments are of several types. Those who can afford them use silver coins, such as silver Indian rupees. Burmese, Indochinese, and Thai coins of small value are also used.

Phami-Akha Style

Phami-Akha Style: The woman's headdress is shaped somewhat like a helmet, and is totally encrusted with silver buttons, coins, and beads. Numerous strings of mostly red beads are attached to the sides of the headdress falling nearly to the waist.

The jacket has numerous overlapping strips of indigo-blue cloth edged with white, stitched in tiers down the back. Each strip is embroidered with delicate patterns. The sleeves are also embroidered, as are the sash, leggings and shoulder bag. The man's jacket is long, and is covered with plain overlapping strips of indigo-dyed cloth edged with white. It may fasten either in the front or down the left side. Often a row of silver coins or a silver chain with bells is stitched down the opening of the jacket.

Loimi-Akha Style

Loimi-Akha Style : The woman's headdress is characterized by a flat, trapezoid-shaped silver piece at the back and alternate rows of beads, and silver buttons over the crown. Strings of hollow silver balls, coins, and beads hang down to the shoulders.

The back of the woman's jacket is decorated with superb applique patterns in red and other colors, outlined with couched thread of a contrasting color. Diamond, triangular, and other shapes of applique alternate with bright-colored embroidery. White shirt buttons, silver buttons, seeds, beads, shells, and tassels are added. Other articles of her clothing are similarly decorated. For full-dress occasions a belt encrusted with cowrie shells and Job's-tear seeds is worn over the jacket, those of unmarried young women being wide with many shells. Girls's caps are ornamented with silver, feathers, tassels, job's-tear seeds, gibbon fur, and beads.

The waist-length jackets worn by men and boys have vents at the lower edge on both sides and in the back, and are similarly embellished. Some have a rectangular chest piece bordered with strips of red cloth and closed with a silver buckle.

Clothing of Akha II

U Lo-Akha Style: The woman's headdress has two main parts. The base is a wide head band decorated with silver coins, silver buttons, and beads. Above it perches a high conical-shaped framework of bamboo covered with indigo cloth. This is embellished with silver ornaments and chains, coins, beads, red-dyed feather tassels, gibbon fur, seeds, pompons, and unique items that might catch a woman's fancy, such as small, round mirrors. The amounts and types of ornamentation vary according to marital and economic status, age and how recently the

woman has had a baby.
Embroidery consists mostly of a simple running stitch a satin stitch in bright colors. Strips of colored cloth, seeds, silver buttons and coins are also used. Men's jackets reach to just below the waist, and have embroidery on the back, and a few lines along the base in front.

Cloth and Ornamentation Of Akha

The knee-length skirt hangs very low on the woman's hips. It is straight across the front and heavily pleated in the back. The halter is a piece of cloth wrapped around the breasts and tied or buttoned at the side. A single string or strap attached to the back on one side goes over the opposite shoulder and loops over a button in front. The width and the embellishment of the halter vary with the style. The U Lo and Loimi styles have a bare midriff between halter and skirt.

The sash is tied around the waist under the jacket, with the ends hanging in front. Being heavily weighted with buttons, coins, and beads, it falls between the woman's legs when she squats or sits, protecting her modesty. Leggings are made by sewing indigo cloth into tubes and decorating them in the appropriate style.
Girls dress similarly to women, except they wear snug-fitting caps, which become more elaborately ornamented as the girls grow older. Pre-adolescent girls do not wear halters or sashes.

Adolescent girls gradually change from the type of clothing worn by a child to that of a woman. This is done during times of ceremonies in four stages: (1) Wearing a halter (2) Adding Job's-tear seed, red and white beads, and silver to her cap (3) Wearing a sash (4) Changing to and adult-style headdress. Tiny gourds at the waist and on the headdress indicate the young woman is not yet married.

The Akha man's jacket varies in style and ornamentation, using the same needlework techniques as the woman's. The Chinese-style pants are free of embellishment. On occasion some men wear black turbans, which are wound neatly and firmly so that they can be put on like a hat. Some older men wear red or pink silk turbans for special occasions. Boys wear similar clothing, except for a close-fitting cap. All Akha carry shoulder bags, decorated according to their particular style.

Clothing of Akha

The well-dressed Akha woman looks stunning from the tie of the elaborate headdress to her ornate leggings. The Akha man's clothing is not so elaborate, but there is a certain smartness in the cut of his jacket an the tilt of his turban. The basic material used in Akha clothing is a firmly woven homespun cotton cloth, Akha grew all of the cotton used for their clothing, but now some purchase raw cotton from the Thai. They make it into tufts about 20 cm long, which they carry in a decorated bamboo section or a basket which is tied to the woman's waist. She attaches a tuft to the hook of her wooden spindle which she rolls at high speed on her thigh. When the spindle is released the cotton spin thread. Girls are taught to spin when they are six or seven years old, for the mother alone cannot make sufficient thread to cloth the entire family. Women and girls spin thread constantly-while walking to the field, carrying wood and water, sitting by the fireside in the evening, and during every other available moment. Akha girls like to have contests to see who can produce the most spindles of thread in a day.

The thread is woven into firm cloth 17 to 20 cm wide, using a foot-treadle loom. The cloth is then dyed with indigo which is grown in Akha gardens. It takes about a month of dipping and drying the cloth daily to produce the deep color typical of their clothing. [See Campbell et al 1978:140 for the process of preparing indigo dye.]

Akha in Thailand have three basic styles of dress. The first, 'U Lo-Akha' (Pointed-headdress) is worn by most of the Akha who have been domiciled in Thailand for many years. Their attire resembles that of the A Jaw Akha in Burma. The second style, 'Loimi-Akha', is named after a large mountain in Burma from which many of them have come, and includes most of those who have migrated recently from Burma. The Akha often call them 'U Bya' (Flat-headdress). The third style is commonly called 'Phami_Akha', named after a village near the border town of Mae Sai. This type is worn primarily by the Mawn Po clan in Thailand, Burma, and China.

The basic costume of an Akha woman consists of : a headdress, a jacket worn over a halter-like garment, a short skirt, a sash, a with decorated ends, and leggings. The hip-length jacket is made of two strips of cloth about 20 cm wide, with seams down the back and sides. The wrist-length sleeves are straight, with no tapering or rounding where they are set into the body of the jacket. The front is plain, except for a strip of colored binding around the back of the neck and down to mid-chest. The back of the jecket. The front is plain, except for a strip of colored binding around the back of the neck and down to mid-chest. The back of the jacket and the sleeves are embellished according to the three basic styles. Sometimes a plain white under-jacket is worn for insulation and to keep the wearer's skin from getting blue from the indigo dye.

Village of LAWA

The Lawa have permanent establishments in such areas as Baw Luang, and locations which are closer to the Thai settlements. The more remote areas of plateau settlements may be changed every 10 to 15 years, as the lands around these villages are depleted. Generally, the Lawa depend on amount of wet rice lands that they have been able to acquire, as a deciding factor for permanence of their village. Substantial houses, like those of the Thai people around them, are seen in the more permanent villages. In fact, the entire village appears to be Thai settlement, with houses build in orderly rows, and narrow lanes between them. There are fences and enclosures around each home with small gardens and some fruit trees. These houses are made on sturdy piles, wooden floors and walls, and may have tile roofs.

The Lawa in more remote areas of plateau and elsewhere, also build houses upon piles, but use bamboo slat walls and thatch grass or leaf roofing. These homes are altogether poorly made, and compare with the relatively good houses that the Htin build. However, the villages are disorderly and there is poor sanitation. The locations are usually flat ridge, on elevations over 3000 feet. The Lawa of the plateau at Baw Luang are on an elevation of 3700 feet. Some of the Lawa villages may have some 15 houses, whereas several of them number over 100 houses in the permanent settlements. Baw Luang is the largest village, eith 230 houses, and has the new Chiangmai-Mae Sariang highway passing nearby

Trends of LAWA

Considering the long period of time that the Lawa have been in their general area, it must be said that their rate of absorption by the Thai people has been a very gradual process and continues to be such. Some circles, to be sure, have definitely been completely absorbed, such as the former village near Chiangmai city and near Vieng Pa Pao, Chiangmai Province, but the distinctive physical features of the Lawa will still be seen in such communities. In such a situation, none of the young people are able to speak the Lawa language and few of the older people will use the language among themselves However , in economic aspects , retaining their tribal affiliations and language Indeed , it is a fact that physically , the Lawa in this area have modified the Thai people around them as much as the Thai have modified them , through the mixing of their bloods . There are villages which consider themselves to be Lao-Thai , but the Lawa characteristics are so strong in them that one is immediately impressed that the village might actually be Lawa instead . the "pure" Lawa , who are racially very different from the Thai people .

certainly have more dominant genetic characteristics than the Thai people . While economic assimilation will undoubtedly be an eventuality , it will be a very long time before the physical characteristics of the Lawa people is lost completely Other than the trend towards greater assimilation with the Thai people , the Lawa do not show today any definite trends to move away from their areas . They are becoming more and more permanently established within the plateau region , and at the same time , more closely established with the Thai people , their customs and their economic systems .

Social Customs of LAWA

Assimilated Lawa practice many customs that the Thai people keep on special Buddhist occasions, to keep up with their Thai neighbors. Their own original customs and social events need more study, since do mush of it has been discontinued or is not practiced regularly. They are not, in any event, a great people for festivities. The more backward Lawa are people with rather unclean habits and chew betel excessively, but few of them have become addicted to opium. Those living closer to the Thai people chew betel as mush as the country Thai do themselves, and drink strong rice liquor on special occasions. There are considerable differences in the attitude that the different types of Lawa have for outsiders or visitors. On the other hand, the more civilized Lawa become the same friendly, cordial host that the Thai people are. The more remote members may at times be quite unfriendly, mostly out of ignorance, and are easily misunderstood because of their gruff language and ways. Even these, however, are not and aggressive or pugnacious people, as are their Wa counterparts. Most of them have learned and gained mush from the gentle.

In the near areas, the Lawa headman has been duly appointed by local Kamnan or through the Amphur's office. There are Lawa leaders who are themselves Kamnans and take and active part in the Amphur official activities. The remote Lawa continue to select their own nominal chiefs, usually according to the general will of the people within a given village. There are proportionately few villages with such practices today, since most Lawa circles are at least in tough with the local Kamnan. They are rather a law-abiding people who obey the Thai district officials, and there are few incidences of crime among themselves or with other tribes. Most of them understand and respect the Thai Government's laws and tent to place any complaints through proper sub-changwad channels. The uneducated Lawa might deal with their own criminals very drastically, ostracizing guilty members is a common punishment.

Economy of LAWA

The Lawa on the plateau have been iron smelters and miners until recent years. Today, some of them continue to be ironsmash, but none of the Lawa mine their own ore anymore, since iron and steel con easily be bought from the Thai people. Their principal economy, therefore has been agriculture in recent years, either of the swidden type or wet rice cultivation. Their ability to earn cash income is limited, like the Karens, since most of their agricultural production is used for their own consumption. The few Lawa within the larger settlements who have shops and small trading businesses, tend to raise the average in come of all Lawa to something over 1000 baht per year per family, otherwise, this average would be very much lower. There are very few families of Lawa who have moved to areas high enough in elevation to grow opium poppies, but the soil conditions of their area (the right banks of Mae Chem river) are so poor that very few crops can be produced satisfactorily. These Lawa move frequently, looking for high valleys that might have a few rai of paddy land to be developed. The more assimilated Lawa keep considerable numbers of pigs, cattle and buffaloes, some of which are sold for cash. They are not vigorous farmers, except where they have arable lands that can be used for wet rice cultivation. Few of the more distantly located Lawa are self-sufficient through their agriculture alone, and must depend upon jungle products to supplement their needs. In such areas, the Lawa still eat the flesh of dogs as well as most wild animals that they might catch or shoot.

There is a wide difference in the degree of the Law people have with non-Lawas. The more assimilated may either be the same as the country Thai themselves or have at least very close outside associations. The remote Lawa have as little contact as the Akha in some localities. They deal mostly with the Lao-Thai and Karens who live near them, having little or no contact with other tribes in the general region. In the more assimilated communities, intermarriage with the Lao-Thai is quite common, although even these Lawa are along way from being absorbed completely by the Thai. Some Lawa men become itinerant workers, like the Khamu, and wander far from their homes, invariably to return after some time.

Physical Description of LAWA

The typical Lawa is rather dark-complexioned(dark brown), with sharp facial features that do not show Mongoloid traits. They are on the whole a fine-looking race, and somewhat larger in stature than most other hilltribes (the average man is about 5' 7"). Many contrasts in physical types will be seen in any Lawa establishment. These less typical characteristics have resulted form mixing of their blood with of the Thai, and more uncommonly, the Karens. Many Lawa have the wavy hair and thicker lips that is acommon trait among the Wa. There us a tendency among the men, to have heavier beards and hair limbs. The men are generally lean and wiry in build, and the women are quite buxom. The dress of the more assimilated Lawa is identical with that of the Lao-Thai people around them, and only a few of them use their tribal dress today.

The unassimilated Lawa women dress in coarse homes puns of plain cotton materials, and use very little decorations or jewelry. The women wear blur or dirty-white blouses, which reach below the waist and have closed fronts and short sleeves. There may be few embroidered designs on he sleeves and hems, and a few beads might be worn around the neck. The skirts are wrapped around and reach just below the knees, with designs running in horizontal strips. Leggings are usually worn by the women who live in the more remote villages. Generally, the married women wear the blue tunics, and the unmarried girls a white color, but this is not a fast rule with all the Lawa. Their hair is pulled back, and made into a bun at the back. They never wear turbans, and have very few silver rings and bracelets. The men are rarely seen in their original homespuns. Today, Lawa men wear clothes like that of Thai, so that it is difficult to distinguish them from the Thai farmer.

Religion of LAWA

Religion : It is inaccurate, as popular beliefs would have it, that most of the Lawa are now Buddhists. While it is true that most of them might profess to be Buddhists, few of them, aside from their priesthood, place as much emphasis upon their Buddhistic learnings as they do upon a form of animism, which has been the original religion of these people. With the exception of the Buddhist was at Baw Luang, there are few wats that can be said to be strictly of Lawa patronage. By and large, even the Lawa people of Baw Luang, if they can get over pretenses, will admit to animistic practices and beliefs. These people might more accurately be considered as being Animistic-Buddhist and strictly animists. There are few hundred at most of Lawa Christians. Those Lawa who live further in the hills are strictly animists. The animism of the Lawa,(which has varying degrees of adherence according to location and adoption of Thai culture) is essentially belief in benevolent and malevolent spirits, which dwell in all things. It is necessary to make offering and sacrifices of pigs, chickens, rice, wine and if available, buffaloes, in order to propitiate the spirits. In addition, they have practices which are performed to honor the notable dead ancestors, whose spirits are thought to return to bless and look after the surviving relatives. They have no images or temples, but believe in shamans and exorcists who can remove bad spirits from various localities, or when they enter human bodies. Spirit cords around the wrists and neck are believed to protect the wearer against malevolent spirits.

Population and Language of LAWA

Population: There are 43 know villages of Lawa, which number some 300 or more households, averaging about 30 house per village, and 7.0 persons per house. The total papulation is estimated at 9,000persons(this my be a low estimate). The largest village is Baw Luang, in which there are 230 households. Few Lawa villages number less than 25 houses.

Language : As outlined above, the Lawa speak a language related to Wa, and use many of the same words. The author does not feel that this is one of the Mon-Khmer language, nor is there anything more than remote Mon-Khmer influences, if any, in this language. It is a language, together with Wa, which perhaps deserves a separate classification. There are no clear indications to show linguistic influences which the Mon invaders of the 6th and 7th century A.D. might have had on the Lawa people. Today, most of the Lawa are able to speak Lao-Thai fluently, Those Lawa, found on the Baw Luang plateau, and nearer to Mae Sariang, have been in close contact with the Thai people, so that many of younger people have been Thai schools. While some of them are literate in Thai, few of them speak Thai well, preferring the northern(Lao-Thai) dialect. There are individuals who can speak Skaw Karen well, or have good understanding of it. They speak no other language, and have no written language of their own.

Affiliation of LAWA

The Lawa of northern Thailand represent a racial group quite separate form those tribes which have come from regions north of Thailand. Together with the Htin, Khamu, Kha Haw, and possibly the rare "Phi Tong Luang", they are a Wa-related ethnic group whose origins (Austronesian) are from the south. Like the Meo and Yao, their wider ethnic and linguistic affiliations are difficult to trace and there remains some confusion in regard to their ancient migration routes. Most authorities have placed them, somewhat vaguely, as a Mon-Khmer group which has probably scattered northward from regions in the south of Thailand or Malaya or Cambodia. The exact origin of these tribes is yet to be definitely established. It is possible that their ancestors were of Polynesian-Micronesian stock. There are suggestions of the Austronoesian or a slightly negroid feature in these people.

Whatever their actual origin, it appears that these are Wa-relate groups, who were undoubtedly the predecessors of the Thai peoples, and even the Mon-Khmers, over 2000 years ago. Linguistically, they are definitely related to the Wa of northern Burma and southern Yunnan, China, who had, according to tradition, live in Thailand prior to their northward migrations. Their physical features and even the tribal dress suggests at once the Wa types, especially the Lawa of northern Thailand. These Lawa are not to be confused with the so-called "Lawa" of Kanchanaburi Province or Chaobon(also called "Lawa") of Petchaboon and Korat provinces. Their relationships to the Chaobon is certainly remote, but the "Lawa" of Kanchanaburi are undoubtedly also of Wa ancestry.

Location: The Lawa are located within the regions of Mae Hongsorn and Chiangmai provinces, which lie between Mae Sariang and Baw Luang. They have settled within a rough circle, between Baw Luang in the east, to Mae Sariang in the west. Those Lawa who had lived near Chiangmai city have been absorbed by the Thai people, and no longer retain their former ethnic identities. The Lawa of Baw Luang area have been in that same vicinity for hundreds of years.

LAWA

The Lawa or Lua as the northern Thai call them, are found only in Thailand. The Lawa identify themselves as Lavu'a (La-woe-a). It is estimated that the Lawa people, once know as the Milakkha or Lowa, migrated into the northern region of the Mae Ping valley around 660 AD. They are of Austro-Asiatic stock and according to protohistorical tradition, they are believed to be the first settlers in North Thailand. They are linguistically closely related to the Mon-Khmer and have largely been absorbed into Thai society.

In 1995 those who retained a separate identity in the highlands numbered 15,711 and made up 2.26 percent of the tribal population. Most were found to be living on the Bo Luang plateau southwest of Chiang Mai and in the mountainous area of Umpai, southeast of Mae Hong Son.

The Lawa practise shiffing cultivation of the rotational type and are skillful in making wet rice terraces. They are recognised as being the most conservation-minded land users in the highlands.

The Lawa society is similar to that of other tribes in that descent is traced patrilineally and marriage is monogamous. Their society is regarded as having a dual structure. Most members are classified as Lua or common people. A amall group who trace descent from Khun Luang Wilanka, a proto-historical Lua King, are called Kun.

The Lwa are animists and ancestor workshippers who, like the Thai, combine their traditional beliefs with Buddhism.

Mlabri

Only two ethnic groups in Southeast Asia still represent the food gathering mode of life. The Austronesian Semang who live in Southern Thailand and Northern Malaysia, and the Austro-Asiatic Mlabri who live in the deep forest of Northern Thailand. Physical differences divide these two groups from each other, the Semang are Australiods but the Mlabri are Mongoliods. Semang have black skin and curly hair while the Mlabri are yellow skin peoples with straight hair. Some anthropologists describe that human societies have evolved from hunting and gathering to plant and animal domestication. Others disagree with this unilinear view of evolution and reject the terms savage and primitive because of their degraded meaning. Sporadic reports about the Mlabri since 1919 confirmed their existence in the Northern part of Thailand. Together with other Mon - khmer ethnic groups the Mlabri is classified as indigenous peoples and their culture a heritage of mankind.

Ever since the formation of Thai nation state a hundred years ago the entire population has multiplied and caused the escalated demands on forest resources. The Mlabri cannot retain their natural lifestyles and transcend all these transformations. The Mlabri population in 1998 was only 125 and 102, in Nan and Phrae Province respectively. At present, the scarcity of forest seems to exceed hunting and gathering lifestyles. The Mlabri no longer evade anywhere because the forest areas are now the subject of rights and management controversy. Stakeholders, government as well as rural communities and entrepreneurs strive for forest and its resources. The Mlabri are compelled by the situation to stay in sanctuaries and started practicing tourist business.

Until today the future of Mlabri still unsolved due to different viewpoints of stakeholders. It is an effort to moderate confrontations by establishing responsible committee but the long term development directions are yet uncleared. According to the Thai constitution the Department of Public Welfare suggested that the Mlabri case was a matter of self - determination. To fulfill this principle, access to forest resources in protected areas must be given to this indigenous groups as well as authorized citizenship that brings about rights and welfare. The Mlabri are denoted "Phi Tong luang" by Thai peoples, this name means spirits of the yellow leaves. It pertains to the color of the leaves they use as shelter roofs which are turning yellow when campsite is abandoned. Mlabri is the name they call themselves, it means the peoples of the forest.